Mindanao
Part 2 of 3
Mindanao's Turbulent Past
The Spaniards and Mindanao
The rise and decline of the Magindanàû
The American Interlude
The Christian Filipinos' take-over of Mindanao
The Colonization of the Koronadal and the Allah Valley
Frontier ethics in South Cotabato
References and the author
The American interlude
By the end of the nineteenth century, Filipino
insurgents in Luzon and Visayas had been revolting against Spanish rule for a
long period, fighting for independence. When the United States became involved
in a war with Spain over Cuba in 1898, Filipinos and Americans joined forces
to fight the Spaniards in Luzon. The Filipinos were of the understanding that
their alliance would involve American support for the Philippines'
independence. However, the Americans deferred putting a commitment of support
in writing. A growing suspicion about the Americans' intentions arose among
the Filipino insurgents. In the meantime the Americans were secretly
negotiating with the Spanish defenders of Manila. They agreed upon an
arrangement by which the Spaniards would put up a show of resistance and
surrender on a prearranged signal. The Americans on their part would neither
shell Manila, nor allow the Filipino insurgents to take part in the assault.
The mock battle was staged on August 13, 1898. Manila fell within hours, and
Spanish rule had come to an end. The agreement marked a shift in the
positions. Spaniards and Americans were now in a partnership that excluded the
Filipinos. The Filipinos on their side had proclaimed a declaration of
independence on June 12, 1898, but now they understood that the Americans had
come to stay. Hostilities broke out on February 4, 1899, as a result of
an American incentive. Although the Filipino leader Aquinaldo was captured on
March 23, 1901, resistance continued in various parts of the Philippines until
1903.
The Moros, suspicious of both
Christian Filipinos and Americans, stayed out of the American-Filipino war.
The "Bates Treaty", signed in August 1899 by General Bates, on behalf of the
United States, and by the Sultan of Sulu, Jamul-ul Kiram II, on behalf of the
Moros, assured the Moros' autonomy in return for submission to the United
States. However, as soon as the war was over, the American Governor
established the Moro Province, which comprised the central and southern part
of Mindanao, Zamboanga peninsula, and the Sulu Archipelago. Now that the
Americans had their hands free in the north, they disregarded the "Bates
Treaty" under the pretext of the still ongoing slave trade among the Moros. A
military presence was established, aimed to secure the new policy: slavery was
outlawed, schools that taught a non-Moslem curriculum were established, and
local governments that challenged the traditional leaders (datûs) were
organized. The American policy was to maintain a friendly and peaceful
atmosphere in the region, though they launched immediate military expeditions
in response to what they considered deceptive and hostile acts. The culprits
had to be found and punished. There were bloody encounters, especially with
the Moros on Jolo (Sulu) and around the Lanao Lake north of Cotabato. Cotabato
itself remained peaceful, with one exception in 1903. Datû Ali
confronted the Americans with a force of 15 000 men, but they were unable to
withstand the Krag rifle. Ali was defeated and killed. Subsequent to the
defeat, the datûs of Cotabato made friends with General Pershing, the
Governor of the Moro Province. Finally, in 1911 a general prohibition of arms
was declared. All kinds of arms, even swords, were required to be turned over
to the American administration. A military operation completed the disarmament
of the Moros in 1912. The Americans had gained control over the entire
southern Archipelago, that is, Mindanao and the Sulu islands.
The Christian Filipinos' take-over of Mindanao
From the outset, the
strategy of some American officials in the Philippines was to keep Mindanao as
American property, and, once under control, suitable land would be allotted to
American plantation companies. However, the concept became politically
untenable due to the homely political opposition's firm critique of the entire
American "adventure" in the Philippines. A powerful anti-imperialist movement
urged that the island group be turned over to the Filipinos. As a result a
civil Filipino administration was soon implemented. Nonetheless, the Moro
Province remained outside this administration. Christian Filipinos, however,
refused to accept this situation and impelled the American Governor to turn
over the Moro province. They took over in 1913, in spite of the Moros' strong
objections. What the combined forces of the Spaniards and the Christian
Filipinos had never been able to achieve, had now become a reality, and,
incidentally, has remained a source of animosity ever since.
As early as 1913, the five first
resettlement programs from the densely populated Visayas were launched, all of
them in the Cotabato Province. The resettlement programs had three main
objectives: 1) to resolve the problems related to land shortage in the Visayas
and Luzon; 2) to keep the Moros and pagans under control and thus avoid a
possible separation of Mindanao; and 3) to forestall American interests in
plantation development. The settlers were allowed to enter the Cotabato Basin
and start their new life as farmers on land that was allotted to them. They
were gathered in small mixed Christian-Moslem townships under the protection
of the Constabulary.
The colonization did not really
take off until 1935, because the island was without adequate infrastructure.
The road construction program for Mindanao progressed rapidly during the years
1936 to 1941, as did arrangements in general for the pioneer settlers in order
to advance the export of their surplus production. This brought about an
immediate increase in immigration to the island. Actually, only a minor part of
the total population increase on Mindanao was due to the official resettlement
programs themselves. Most of the settlers were either immigrants outside the
official resettlement programs or second and third generation settlers.
Nonetheless, the programs were of paramount importance as a door-opener for
other immigrants to "the Land of Promises". During the Japanese occupation of
Mindanao (1942-1944), the flow of settlers from Luzon and the Visayas ceased
temporarily, only to recommence with ever-increasing impetus after World War
Two, notably to the frontier areas; among them was Cotabato.
The attached chart may serve
to illustrate Cotabato’s population growth over time. We notice that the real
take-off started some time between 1939 and 1948. Within a few decades the
indigenous population of Mindanao had become totally outnumbered as a result
of the accelerating migrations. The Province of Cotabato had, according to the
American census in 1903, a population of 125 875, of which 2 313 were
so-called "civilized". Hence, 98.2% of the population belonged to what
was classified as "wilds". Census figures for the "civilized-wild" dichotomy
are not available for later censuses. However, the enumeration by mother
tongue may serve to convey the same relation. By 1990 the "wilds" of South
Cotabato, now called cultural minorities, i.e. the various Moslem and Lumad
groups, comprised only 14.6% of the population. In 1903 hardly any of
those classified as civilized lived in the area of Cotabato which has now
become South Cotabato.
The colonization of the Koronadal and the Alah Valley South Cotabato
was settled from the sea side. The first pioneer settlers settled along the
coast. In 1914 a ship with Ilocanos arrived and founded Glan at the outlet of
the Sarangani Bay. A few years later, in 1920 and in 1921, a ship loaded with
Ilocanos landed in Kiamba at the Celebes Sea. In February 1937 General Santos
arrived in the town of Dediangas at the Sarangani Bay, now named after him. He
brought settlers from Luzon, and, it goes without saying, the Constabulary to
protect his entourage (although this is not mentioned). Shortly afterwards, in
June 1939, the Koronadal Valley was officially opened for settlement by virtue
of the Commonwealth Act No. 441. This opened the interior of South Cotabato
for colonization. The first road through the Koronadal Valley, going from
Dediangas at Sarangani Bay to Takurong near Buluan Lake, was finished by 1940.
The town of Marbel, now officially called Koronadal, was founded on January
10, 1940 and became the fastest growing town in the valley. Of course, the
immigrating settlers were not seeking to cultivate the steep land on the
mountain slopes. They were allotted fertile soil in the bottom of the valley.
By 1941 land in Marbel and its barangays was becoming short of land. Hence,
the National Land Settlement Administration decided to open the Alah Valley
across the Roxas Matulas Range for settlement.
The rapid colonization of the
Koronadal and Alah Valley may be illustrated with the subdivision of existing
municipalities to form new ones. In 1949 Dediangas (now General Santos City)
at the head of Sarangani Bay was separated from Buayan. In 1953 Tupi
(Koronadal Valley) was separated from Koronadal, Norala (Lower Alah Valley)
from Datu-Piang (Cotabato Basin), and Banga (Upper Alah Valley) from Koronadal
and Datu-Piang. In 1957 Isulan (Lower Alah Valley) was separated from Norala
and Datu-Piang, and Polomolok was separated from Tupi and Dediangas. In 1961,
Surallah (Upper Alah Valley) was separated from Banga. In 1974 the
Municipality of Tboli (Head of the Alah Valley) was created by separation from
Surallah, Banga, Tupi, Polomolok, and the coastal municipalities Maasim,
Kiamba, and Maitum which earlier comprised large areas on the other side of
the watershed.
At the time when Tboli was
separated out as a municipality of its own, Lake Sebu remained a barangay
within the Municipality of Surallah. Migration into the area continued,
especially after the flat and fertile land around the lakes on the Sbú plateau
had become accessible by truck in 1976. Finally, in 1982, the Municipality of
Lake Sebu was created by virtue of Batas Pambansa Blg. 249. The decree does
not contain any of the reasoning behind the further division of the area, nor
does the Socio-Economic Profile of Lake Sebu. However, we can speculate that
there were two main reasons. Lake Sebu is far from the town of Surallah, and
many Visayans had settled around the lakes. The barangay had itself become a
center. The former Municipality of Tboli ceded almost half of its area, while
Surallah had to cede yet another, though smaller, area.
The population in upper Alah
Valley is still increasing, though we do not observe a steady inflow of
migrants anymore. To describe the state of land ownership right now in the
flat and fertile parts of the Alah Valley, as well as the surrounding mountain
slopes, the Socio-Economic Profile of Surallah can be cited: "Settlers coming
from Luzon and Visayas ... were afforded the chance to demonstrate their
ability under the settlement programs ... The original inhabitants of the area
are the Tagabilis [Tbolis], a mountain tribe people who moved inward
after the arrival of the Christian settlers from Luzon and Visayas. Ilongo
speaking Visayans comprised the largest majority of inhabitants of which the
Tagabilis has been reduced into a very scant minority". Today the
Tbolis have really become a hill tribe, pushed up onto the mountain
slopes. They are still losing their land, mostly by it being mortgaged to
settlers under unfavorable conditions. Many of them are incapable of
comprehending the ruinous consequences the mortgaging practice will have in
the long run. They seldom manage to redeem their land.
Continuation...
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